A Summary of Procedures
Several steps were followed in conducting and presenting the Montclair Civil Rights Audit that may be of interest to other communities and organizations. These suggestions are offered as our experiences and will necessarily be adapted to specific needs and situations.
1. The idea originated in a staff meeting of Nejelski & Company. To make certain that the relevant plus and minus factors would be considered by all the participants, the project was called a Civil Rights Audit. This was made the frame of reference for the presentation and planning.
2.Since the Montclair Forum was not set up to implement the idea, as Chairman of the Forum, Leo Nejelski presented the program to the Montclair Chapter of the American Veterans Committee because this group had already demonstrated interest and skill in making well documented social studios as a basis for their participation in town affairs.
3. A joint program was arranged. Both groups believed it important to enlist the active participation of as many other organizations as could be interested.
4. Members of participating groups were asked to read "To Secure These Rights," the report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights and to recommend procedures. Curtis Campaigne, Jr., Chairman of Local Affairs of the American Veterans Committee, was appointed project coordinator.
5. A discussion outline based on the recommendations of the President's Committee was prepared by Leo Nejelski and Curtis Campaigne, Jr., and was made available to organized discussion groups through the Public Library along with a Discussion Leader's Manual, originally prepared by Cleland Austin, former Form Chairman, which has been used by the Forum for several years.
6. The informal “reading committee” recommended that six categories of the study made by the President's Committee applied directly to Montclair--housing, employment, education, health, access to public facilities, recreation. Six sub- committees were appointed to audit these areas.
7. Inasmuch as one month was all the time available before the scheduled Forum meeting, a decision was reached to gather data and information from central sources, group leaders, town records, organizations, etc., as well as through surveys.
8. Frequent reviews were made and all members of the sub-committee judged the adequacy of the data, the fairness and reality of the methods, etc.
9. Summaries were prepared for the Forum meeting. Chairmen of the sub-committees were selected to present them. A limit of 6 minutes each was set up.
10. Chairmen were rehearsed before the public meeting.
11. Roger N. Baldwin, Director of the Civil Liberties Union, was engaged as speaker to create a national background for the local audit.
12. Mr. Baldwin's talk of 30 minutos in the Forum session was followed by the six Chairmen. 30 minutes was allowed for questions.
13. The interest created by the Audit determined the completion of the study.
14. The final Audit will be made available to interested groups in the Community and through the Public Library to all who wish to avail themselves of it.
Leo Nejelski
Chairman, Montclair Forum
President, Nejelski &. Company, Inc.
Management Counsels, New York City
Curtis Campaigne, Jr., Chairman
Local Affairs Town of Montclair
Chapter, American Veterans Committee
December 16, 1947
IMPORTANT -The recommendations of The President's Committee on Civil Rights are drawn from the research and analysis contained in the report of this Committee, “To Secure These Rights.” Each member of your discussion group should read this report before your meeting.
DISCUSSION OUTLINE
Based On Recommendations Of The President's Committee on Civil Rights
I. The first recommendation is: "To strengthen the machinery for the protection or civil rights.”
A. What do you think will be accomplished through the reorganization or the Civil Rights Section of the Department of Justice to provide for each of the following:
(Discuss separately):
1. The establishment of regional offices;
2. A substantial increase in its appropriation and staff to enable it to engage in more extensive research and to act more effectively to prevent civil rights violations:
3. An increase in investigative action in the absence or complaints;
4. The greater use of civil sanctions;
5. Elevation of the Civil Rights Section to division status in the Department of Justice.
B. Why did the Committee ask for the establishment within the F.B. I. of a special unit of investigators trained in civil rights work?
C .What might be added to the establishment of state law enforcement agencies comparable to the federal Civil Rights Section?
D. What will be the value of a permanent Commission on Civil Rights in the Executive Office of the President, preferably by Act of Congress?
F. Why should the states establish permanent commissions on civil rights to parallel the work of the federal Commission at the state level?
G. How would the professionalization of state and local police forces
implement the recommendations of the President's Committee?
2. The second recommendation is: “To strengthen the right to safety and security of the person.”
A. What will be accomplished through the enactment by Congress of new legislation to supplement Section 51 of Title 18 of the United States Code which would impose the same liability on one person as is now imposed by the statute on two or more conspirators?
B. Why does the Committee ask for an amendment to Section 51 to remove the penalty provision which disqualifies persons convicted under the Act from holding public office?
C. What is the significance of the request for enactment by Congress of a new statute to supplement Section 52 and specifically directed against police brutality and related crimes?
D. Why is an anti-lynching act necessary and \V hat elements should it contain?
E. Why does the Committee advise against wartime evacuation and detention?
F. To what extent were Japanese American evacuees of the last war reimbursed
on valid claims?
3. The third recommendation is: "To strengthen the right to citizenship and its privileges.”
A. Why does the Committee recommend action by States or Congress to end poll taxes as a voting prerequisite as well as advise of the enactment by Congress of a statute protecting the right of qualified persons to participate in federal primaries and elections against interference by public officers and private persons?
B. What is to be gained by the enactment of legislation establishing local self-government for the District of Columbia?
C. Why should legislation be enacted to grant suffrage by the States of New Mexico and Arizona by their Indian Citizens and to grant citizenship to the people of Samoa and Guam?
D. Why does the Committee believe that it is necessary to have the states repeal laws discriminating against aliens who are ineligible for citizenship because of race, color, or national origin?
E. How practical is it to follow the recommendation that an immediate
end be put to discrimination and segregation in all branches of the Armed
Services based on race, color, creed, or national origin?
4. The fourth recommendation is: “To strengthen the right to freedom of conscience and expression.”
A. What is to be gained by a law that will require all groups which attempt to influence public opinion to disclose the pertinent facts about themselves through systematic registration procedures?
B. Why should Congress and the executive branch clarify the loyalty obligations of federal employment and establish standards and procedures by which the civil rights of public workers may be scrupulously maintained?
5. The fifth recommendation is: “To strengthen the right to equality of opportunity.”
A. What will be gained specifically if Congress conditions all grants-in-aid and other forms of federal assistance to public or private agencies to eliminate segregation and discrimination based on race, color, creed, or national origin?
B. Why does the Committee believe it necessary to enact a Fair Employment Practice Act prohibiting all forms or discrimination in private employment based on race, color, creed, or national origin?
C. Is it necessary to have laws for public and private educational institutions prohibiting discrimination in the admission and treatment of students? Why?
D. Is it practical to enact laws outlawing restrictive covenants?
E. Why would it be necessary to enact laws forbidding discrimination and segregation based on race, creed, color, or national origin in the operation of public or private health facilities?
F. Why is it necessary to legislate against segregation in public conveyances
and to recommend guaranteeing Equal access to places of public accommodations?
6. The sixth recommendation is: “To rally the American people to the support of a continuing program to strengthen civil rights.”
A. Why is it necessary to set up a long term campaign of public education to inform the people of the civil rights to which they are entitled and which they owe to one another?
This discussion outline was prepared by:
Leo Nejelski, Chairman, Montclair Forum
Curtis Campaigne, Jr., Chairman,
Local Affairs, Town of Montclair
Chapter, American Veterans Committee .
LEADING A DISCUSSION GROUP
The discussion group is of "Early American" origin. The cracker barrel
in the general store was the focal point around which our forebears gathered
to talk politics and to give the state of the nation a going over. It was
a good habit--essential to a healthy democracy. We may still argue
about politics but an argument is a far cry from a discussion. In
fact, argument kills discussion.
Today “cracker barrel” gatherings are springing up in neighborhoods all over the country to discuss some of our many present-day problems. The subject matter may be more formalized than in the old days and there is, perhaps more systematic preparation as a result of the reading and study material that our modern libraries and periodicals have made available. But the discussions have lost none of their old-time vigor. And almost everyone who participates enjoys himself. In fact, that is the first test of a successful group.
The objectives of a discussion group are many. Let's start with what they are not:
No group should be organized to put over on its members a specific
point of view, course of action or dogma. If it attempts that it fails of
its purpose.Nor is its purpose to furnish a sounding board for the oratory of some
verbose and forensic minded eccentric.And it is not a platform on which to stage a debate between two
contentious souls who love to argue.
In contrast, here are some of the purposes of a discussion group:
-
The chief one is to stimulate our thinking by giving us opportunities to express our views on vital questions.
With most of us thinking comes hard. Our thought processes need prodding. Unless we are forced to express ourselves in speech or writing, our thinking becomes clouded or else we avoid thinking altogether. Especially, when it comes to national or international problems, it's much easier to let the Times or the Tribune or the leaders of our pet political party do the job for us. We go to lectures and meetings. We listen attentively to the speaker and we think we are thinking about what he says. But mostly we are fooling ourselves. No real thinking is done unless we are forced to put our thoughts into words. But once we are driven to it, we discover to our amazement that thinking is fun!
Then, too, we tend to avoid thinking by following the thinking pattern of our group or social class. It will be observed that most men and women who belong to labor unions tend to have identical social, political and economic views. This is equally true of bankers and business men. It is true also in many geographical areas. The middle West has it s ideas about “Wall Street”, the South its notions about the Republican Party. And so it goes. Sectionalism colors our viewpoint and is frequently a barrier to straight thinking, We unconsciously come to assume that the beliefs of our group represent Truth with a capital "T" and that conflicting views are the work of the Devil.
A good discussion group will help to dispel some of this fog second-hand thin Icing. First, it will be discovered that members of a group who are encouraged to express themselves freely have a wide variety of challenging viewpoints. We will be astonished to find that our own beliefs and assumptions as to absolute truth are by no means universally held. We see our pet viewpoints opposed and refuted. We may have a very low opinion of the thinking of the one who disagrees but we are stimulated to think a. little harder to justify our own stand. We might even be moved ourselves to abandon a pet opinion or at least to accept a compromise" However, this if true only if the meeting follows discussion group technique as opposed to the technique of the debate. Dr. Lindeman has shrewdly characterized by the two methods. He calls a debate “linear response” and a discussion “circular response”. Arguments typify linear response. “A” and “B” engage in heated controversy. If they are still speaking at the finish “A” is more firmly convinced than ever of his own rightness and “B”’s wrongness, and “B” likewise.
Circular response is quite different. Here the group sits in a circle--this is highly essential to success. Each one in turn expresses his viewpoint after which he must bottle up his almost uncontrollable desire to correct the “faulty” thinking of the man on his left until his turn comes around again. A good way to think of the process is to imagine that each one offers his own viewpoint as a contribution to the center of the circle. He does it without contentiousness or heat and with due respect for the viewpoints of the others, particularly for those with which he disagrees.
Out of this process comes a new kind of thinking. Each one discovers how widely individuals differ in their thinking. He comes to realize that the democratic process is nothing more than a method of resolving those differences. If the group is to arrive at a final conclusion there must be a give and take to each individual's thinking. It will be driven home to all that in a democracy almost every decision is in some degree a compromise between opposing convictions. Moreover, there is almost no public question that does not involve interpretation of facts to which the individual applies his principles. His conviction is the result of such interpretation and application. If, as a result of discussion, new facts appear or a new interpretation of them develops, then a changed conviction may well result.
Here then are a few general instructions which may be helpful to an inexperienced discussion group leader:
1) Don't let your group be too large. Twelve to fifteen is an ideal
number with
twenty the maximum and six the minimum.
2) In seating, the group should always approximate a circle with the
leader so
placed that he can readily see all persons participating.
3) “Circular response” should invariably be followed. State the proposition
to
be discussed, then go round the circle giving each person in turn an
opportunity
to express his views. Only the leader should be permitted to interrupt
or question
the speaker. Check any attempt to convert this “circula.r” response
into “linear”
response.
4) Opinions must be held sacred. Each member of the group must have,
first, an uninterrupted opportunity to express his views and, second, assurance
that that
viewpoint will be treated with respect. Statements which are believed
to be
errors of fact may be questioned or corrected by subsequent speakers
but in no
case should anyone be permitted to question the sincerity of an opinion
previously expressed.
Points three and four will require tact and firmness on the part of
the leader. But if the “rules of the game” are made clear to the participants
and they are assured that these are to be lived
up to, things will run smoothly.
5) Encourage the participants to give out briefly a new fact, a new
Slant. Caution
against taking too much time in the expression of views or repeating
views
already expressed. Keep in mind the figurative pile of fact and, opinion
in the
center of the circle and the thought that mere repetition does not
add to the pile.
To allow expressions five minutes in length would mean that within
an evening
you could not got around the circle much more than once. It should
be possible to
do so from three to four times in any session.
6) The cardinal fault in leadership is for the leader to monopolize
or dominate the discussion. Present the question to be discussed
explaining it where necessary
without any expression of personal opinion. Having done this as briefly
as possible,
start the question around the circle. Some questions can be cleared
up in two or
three comments. In such instances, continuing around the circle merely
invites
repetition. The leader may summarize the conclusion, ask whether
there is any new
fact of divergent view, and then continue around the circle with the
following question.
7) The leader may, if he thinks it advisable, cross-question any speaker
as to his
viewpoint but only to the extent of clarification or of bringing out
all aspects of
the subject. In no circumstance should his questions take on the aspects
of
controversy or criticism.
8) When a question has gone round the circle and comes back to the leader,
he will preferably omit any expression of his personal views and confine
himself to a
brief objective summary of the various viewpoints expressed by the
group. The
leader's function is, in short, to encourage the group to talk rather
than to talk himself.
9) Watch the discussion closely to sue that the subject is adhered to.
Many have a
tendency to wander in their remarks and discuss matters far afield
from those
under consideration. Keeping the group to the subject will often require
all the tact
as well as the patience of the leader.
10) The group will find it stimulating if the leader will close the
meeting by
summing up objectively and briefly (not more than five or six minutes)
the
ground covered by the discussion. He may comment on the variety of
viewpoints
expressed but should emphasize particularly the areas in which there
was general agreement. He might also try to express a compromise viewpoint
to which all or
a majority would be willing to subscribe.
Try to avoid too severe and stern a leadership. After all, the group is composed of adults, who will resent discipline and will express their resentment by staying away from subsequent meetings. On the other hand, if too much latitude is permitted, the discussion will bog down and the participants will lose interest. Always remember that the real test of a discussio group is the enjoyment of its members.
Prepared for the Montclair Forum
by Cleland Austin
December 1943
MONTCLAIR CIVIL RIGHTS AUDIT
As Reported at Montclair Forum
December 11, 1947
H O U S I N G
In conducting the Montclair Civil Rights Audit, the Housing Committee has been asked to survey whether equality of opportunity exists in the housing field.
25% of the total population of Montclair live in an area comprising 8.7% of the total land area. There are in Montclair 356 substandard homes; 347 of these are in this area. This situation has existed over a long period of years. The people in this congested area are principally Negroes and persons of Italian origin. The purpose of our survey was to determine the causes for this congestion and whether these persons had an equality of opportunity in the matter of housing.
In studying the situation with respect to sales and rentals for persons
in the congested area (since the two methods by which most homes are acquired
are sale and rental) we interviewed about 50 home owners and renters and
about a dozen real estate brokers and agents. The following facts resulted:
That in regard to both sales and renta1s there are certain areas in Montclair
in which houses are to be sold or rented only to certain persons. To achieve
this end there is in existence between the real estate operators the so-called
gentlemen's agreement.
A dark skinned man entered a real estate office to inquire about a
house advertised “for sale", and approached one of the persons in the office
with a query, “I’m interested in purchasing a house. It can be either one
or two family, in a price class between 10 and $15,000." The answer
was, “I'm sorry we do not have a single item that you would be interested
in. As a matter of fact, we haven't anything loss than ~25,000 just now.
But I’ll take your name and as soon as we have something suitable, I'II
contact you."
The prospective buyer asked, “What about the two homes advertised for sale in the Montclair Times this morning?" The agent's answer was “'I'm sure you wouldn't be interested in those and as a matter of fact they were sold or at least they are being looked at now and I'm sure he'll buy them."
Another agent, when asked about a house advertised for sale at a bargain price, $11,000, by another, dark skinned man, answered, "You wouldn't be interested in that, that’s in a white neighborhood. Wouldn't you rather buy a nice piece of property in a nice quiet colored neighborhood?" The would-be buyer retorted, "I do not intend to live in the neighborhood; I rather expect to live in the house."
Another time, a man went in to rent a house and was finally informed,
"I'm sorry I can't rent you that place, and I can't sell it to you. There
are certain places I can’t sell or rent to you people,
so there is no need in taking my time showing it to you. If I get something
suitable I’ll get in touch with you immediately."
We decided to take a look at a few deeds in the Hall of Records. Out of about 170 deeds read we uncovered about 40 which contained restrictive covenants. These covenants prohibit the sale, lease, gift or use to certain minority groups, i.e. Negroes, Jews and Italians for a period of years ranging in length from 1 year to 25 years.
Some of these have been breached; some are still in effect. Once the covenant is broken, the real estate operators engage in a very effective campaign of panic buying and selling.
The presence of the first colored family is the signal for the real estate operators to go to work on the other white residents to sell to them lit a price less than market value. Then having bought below market value, the real estate operators resell this property, to colored person, at a price far above market value. A parcel of land is currently offered for sale at $9500 if the purchaser is white--$12,000 if the purchaser is colored.
Recently, when in an all white neighborhood a colored family was allowed
to buy and moved in, the real estate operators annoyed the other residents
so much that one was forced to tack a sign up on her door reading "This
property is not for sale.”
White persons in the area were not only persuaded to move but, in one
specific case, even coerced into moving.
By a poll of approximately 50 renters of homes we found evidence that persons renting in that afore-mentioned congested area have greater difficulty in getting repairs made, papering and painting. They feel this is due to the fact that available housing for them is so grossly limited they have no alternative and the landlord knows it, too.
For instance, one family who insisted upon repairs was ejected month after the repairs were, made, and the premises rented to a white family.
The Veterans' temporary housing project in Montclair is the one shining
star in the field of housing. Through funds supplied by the state, 132
Montclair veterans and their families are being housed. Well over 600 applications
have been carefully investigated by professional investigators. The facts
concerning each case have been screened by a committee of 5 citizens appointed
by the Major. House are allocated solely on the basis of need without the
screening committee considering the name, address, race, color, religion
or national origin of any applicant. On this basis a large percentage of
colored veterans and their families have been provided housing. This is
of especial interest in view of the fact that a neighboring community with
a sizable Negro population have allocated no veteran’s housing to Negroes
although over 70 have been erected with state
funds.
* * *
MONTCLAIR CIVIL RIGHTS AUDIT
As Reported at Montclair Forum
December 11, 1947
E M P L O Y M E N T
Does equality of opportunity in employment exist in Montclair? According to the law, it should. New Jersey was the second state to adopt a fair employment practice act, barring discrimination in employment on the grounds of race, religion, color or national origin. This statute applies to municipal bodies as well as private employers. Legal redress for such discrimination is enforced by the State Division against Discrimination.
Our part in the Montclair Civil Rights Audit has been to survey both the municipal and private employment fields. We will report on both. The municipal government of Montclair is the largest employing unit in town with 390 employees and thus deserves considerable attention. At present, in the various town departments and agencies, there is little, if any, co-ordination looking toward an impartial non-discriminatory personnel system based on merit. In October 1946, such an integrated system established by local ordnance, was proposed by the Town of Montclair Chapter of the American Veterans Committee. In February, the Mayor appointed a committee of three Montclair citizens to make recommendations along those lines. Their report was placed in the Mayors hands on Tuesday but has not yet been made public.
Under present municipal administration, town departments and agencies differ widely in their treatment of qualified applicants who may be of certain racial, religious or national origin groups. No overall or uniform policy is ascertainable—the practice depending on the individual personal attitudes of the respective officials. Lack of opportunity in this field, where it exists, principally involves Negroes.
In the Department of Public Safety, the police and the fire department differ completely in their attitude toward Negroes. We analyzed the method used by the Police Department to screen applicants. It indicated a carefully, devised system to guide the Commissioner in his selections. As a result, 4 Negro policemen are now on the 70 men police force and they are assigned to various sections of town in addition to just the colored community.
The Department of Public Works has been making appointments on merit without discrimination. __ Negroes are employed in responsible capacities as foremen, supervising the work of white employees without apparent friction. Also, a Negro has worked in one of the water pumping stations in the responsible position of meter setter. Of the total staff of 106 employees __ are colored.
The Bureau of Public Nursing employs twelve full time nurses, including one Negro who has been on the staff for at least 10 years. In contrast to prior years, today, that nurse is assigned without consideration of the color of her skin.
The Bureau or Public includes on its staff three colored women--a bookkeeper, secretary and family visitor.
Recreation and education sections have been covered by previous speakers.
Whatever favorable picture appears on the municipal scene fades almost completely in the field of private employment. The fact is – with very few enlightened exceptions – there are no opportunities for employment by Negroes in private business in positions other than manual laboring capacities. Certain other minority groups, principally Jews, are excluded from consideration in certain clerical and commercial posts.
The situation as regards to Negroes as sales people is determined to a great extent by the attitude of people in the community. We interviewed retail merchants who indicated, that thought tye might be willing to employ Negroes in selling jobs, they feared the reaction of customers who have even criticized shopkeepers for serving Negroes. They believe that the employment of Negro sales people would have an adverse effect on their sales.
A new gas station operator decided in favor of hiring a white mechanic in preference to an equally qualified Negro for the same reason. Yet in Upper Montclair one Negro attendant has worked at various stations for the past 18 years and actually has taken customers with him when he became employed in a different gas station.
In isolated instances, Negroes have been employed in stores.
The most recent example is that of a colored pharmacist working in a drug
store in a white neighborhood. A Negro is employed in the customer
service department of a local radio repair shop; another is in charge of
the service department of a large retail store and a colored girl is cashier
at a prominent, expensive restaurant.
Generally, with specific exceptions, most of which are cited
above, it can be stated that retail businesses, outside of the colored
community, restrict the right of employment to persons of darker skin.
With respect to Jews in this field, there is very little question of discrimination because many of the shop owners are Jewish.
In the field of clerical and secretarial positions, opportunities are practically stymied in this capacity, though there have been qualified applications. Attempts have been directed specifically at one bank, which has a large number of Negro depositors. The applications are always accepted with the statement, “ We will place you application on file.” Period.
This denial of opportunity has also been extended to Jews, among others, in their attempts to secure position in the banks. Sometime ago, one young man was told deliberately by an executive that his religion eliminated him from final consideration.
In the smaller offices in town, which we visited or had reports on, the employment of Negroes is practically unknown.
To understand Montclair’s overall employment problem, we must consider
the fact that the only extensive industrial employment opportunities exist
in Montclair’s surrounding communities.
Through the co-operation of interested organizations who have
made surveys it is revealed that industrial employment of Negroes has increased
threefold since 1935 and relatively few industrial concerns with more than
25 employees now refuse to employ any Negroes whatsoever.
Prominent in the advance of industrial relations policy towards Negroes have been the New Jersey Bell Telephone Company, Prudential Insurance Company, Westinghouse Electric Company, as well as three large Newark Department stores who have some colored sales people.
However, in summary, in the thousands of business and commercial firms in Essex County, it is estimated that Negroes comprise less than ½ of 1% of workers employed above menial job levels.
MONTCLAIR CIVIL RIGHTS AUDIT
As Reported at Montclair Forum
December 11, 1947
E D U C A T I O N
The objective of our Education Committee in the Montclair Civil Rights
Audit has
been to survey the relationship between Montclair's educational system
and the community which it serves. The five major areas in this field are:
(I) school districting, (2) employment practices, (3) school program, (4)
in-service training for teachers toward better democratic human relations
program, (5) School-Community participation through Parent-Teachers Association.
The material in this survey \7aS Gathered by asking direct questions of the school officials, teachers, P.T.A. officers, parents, and students.
(1) A major feature in school districting is the fact that on the elementary
school level in Montclair, the practice of the school system enables parents
who live near schools
with sizeable Negro populations to send their children to schools with
smaller Negro populations which are , however, farther from their homes.
This is done through the “optional area" device. As an example, the area for several blocks north of Oxford Street is known as an "optional area”. Oxford Street is opposite the Grove Street School and over a mile from the Watchung School. In that twilight zone, parents may send their children either to Grove Street or to Watchung according to their individual preferences.
This has the effect of creating larger proportions of Negro students in certain schools, thus leading more and more to the creation of segregated schools.
Parents who can afford transportation for their children to schools
far removed are less apt to choose the school closer to home if that school
has a sizeable proportion of Negroes. Parents who cannot afford such transportation
are virtually forced to send their children to the nearby schools. Thus,
in addition to creating racial segregation, there is created segregation
of economic groups. The tendency as a result of these practices is for
the
segregation to become intensified, thus making it harder and harder
to eliminate this practice. Furthermore, it should be noted that students
coming from such segregated
schools have the most difficulty in adjusting themselves afterward
to the heterogeneous High School environment.
On the Junior High School level, according to a top school official,
there are no exceptions allowed to the school districting lines.*
There was a time, according to this official, when Junior High Schools
permitted optional areas, but it is stated that these have been eliminated.
Since there is but one High School, it serves the entire town.
(2) As to school employment practices, among 257 classroom teachers
in the Montclair school system, there is one regular Negro teacher and
one full-time substitute. The regular teacher is located in a school which
has one of the largest proportions of Negro students and the substitute
teacher has thus far taught only in schools which have sizeable proportions
of Negro students. There are, in addition, 6 Negroes on the substitute
teachers list. This in
a community where approximately 17% of the population is Negro.
(3) School program has been divided into curriculum and student activities.
a) Regarding curriculum, in participating in the work of the Metropolitan
School Studies Council, the Montclair representatives have studied ways
of introducing subject matter and materials for the development of bettor
human relations and
have produced mimeographed outlines and bibliographies as suggestions
for teachers. These have been distributed to the school principals who
have conducted meetings to discuss the subject. The extent, however, to
which this material is used in the classroom most often depends on the
orientation and attitude of the individual teacher.
The curriculum committee has been working for the last three years on a common learning program, the purpose of which is to meet the needs of all students without classification into homogeneous groupings.
There is some evidence of direct teaching for better understanding of human relations. For instance, in one class during a discussion the students said that they were moving too fast for the parents and if it were not for adults there would be no problems in inter-race relations.
* A race population survey of Montclair schools is appended.
b) Regarding student activities there is evidence of good participation among all racial, religious and nationality groups in student government, athletic activities, and dramatic groups.
In the High School students from minority groups participate in all school activity.
They have and do hold class offices.
They are members of school clubs.
They are on the teams and play an active part.
They are in the band and also act as cheer leaders.
The flag guard during assemblies has recently become a mixed group
of three.
The play, Valley Forge, was presented recently with a mixed cast.
In the last 2 years there has been an attempt at integrating the total
school population in its social life. Very recently an inter-group dance
was held and was a success but there is still only limited opportunity
for social life in the school. All low income groups, especially Negroes,
report that recreational opportunities are very limited
in the High School. The dances are more popular with the minorities
than the other students who have clubs and social organizations of their
own.
(4) In regard to In-Service training programs there is the following to report:
a) The superintendent of schools appointed in 1946 a better human relations
committee which has membership from all of the teaching staff of all the
Montclair schools. This group has been instrumental in publicizing
opportunities for teacher training.
b) Recently, Miss Ethel Albenfels, noted anthropologist who has specialized in race relation studies, spoke to all of the teachers of the Montclair schools. As a result of this meeting, wide interest has developed and has expressed itself correctly in plans for a course of study of inter-group relations .
(5) Last to be considered is the subject of school-community interaction
through the vehicle of the Parent-Teachers' Associations. This aspect of
our audit on education is not to be under-valued since many of the children’s
problems at school arise from attitudes originating from the home and parents.
Illustrating this point is the pupils remark-- "There wouldn't be any race
problem if it weren't for our parents.
The P.T.A.s provide an excellent meeting ground where the parents can
come together and resolve their inter-group problems. Intelligent and uninhibited
meetings or the parents naturally result in better human relations among
the children. At Nishuane School, where the student enrollment is 50% white
and 50% Negro--the P.T.A. is composed or parents of both groups and they
work together harmoniously and effectively. As a consequence the children
work together with a high degree or cooperation and understanding. In short--as
the Negro P.T.A. president said--"At Nishuane there is no race problem.”
Her opinion was substantiated by the white board members.
This situation doesn’t exist in all Montclair schools, however. In some, the white parents are apprehensive, and express their roar by trying to minimize Negro participation in the P.T.A. When such fear of inter-group meeting is allowed to rule--naturally tension and resentment result -- with consequent damage to the individuals involved, the schools, and the community.
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White Population of
Montclair Schools
(As of October 1, 1947)
Total enrollment 5724
Percentage of white 74.1%
Elementary School
Bradford 100
Hillside 88.7
Edgemont 100
Mt. Hebron 100
George Washington 58.4 Nishuane
48.8
Glenfield 14.6
Northeast 100
Grove 72.6
Rand 33.6
Watchung 98.3
Junior High Schools
George Inness 80.8
Hillside 64.9
Glenfield 35.
Mt. Hebron 100
Senior High School
(1500 Students)
Negro 23%
Italian 13-15%
Jewish 3%
Other 60%
MONTCLAIR CIVIL RIGHTS AUDIT
As Reported at Montclair Forum
December 11, 1947
P U B L I C H E A L T H
The problem of civil rights in Montclair is very close to the problem of public health.
This can be explained by simple figures which show the Negro tuberculosis rate, for instance, to be approximately five times as high in Montclair as the white tuberculosis rate. Similar figures for other communicable diseases show correspondingly high percentages in the Negro community.
A logical conclusion to this fact is that Negro doctors in Montclair should be given every opportunity to do the best job they can to reduce this high disease rate. The germs of communicable diseases do not recognize the boundaries of segregation. A high Negro disease rate is a constant throat to the health standards of the whole community.
But Montclair, rather than encouraging the professional development of its Negro doctors, has actually denied equality of opportunity to them and stifled their professional growth. This is an outcome of the fact that for many years Montclair hospitals have denied to Negro doctors, the opportunity to treat their patients in the hospitals, a requisite to any successful practice of Medicine and to the professional development of a doctor.
This segregation of Negro doctors from other members of their own profession is a major element in what is known nationally as a “medical ghetto” for Negroes. An unpleasant by-product of this "medical ghetto” is the simple actuarial fact that a Negro born in the United States today can expect to live ten years less than a white man.
In Montclair this segregation means that a Negro doctor can treat his
own patient only until the time requires hospitalization. At this point,
the patient is left on the doorstop of the hospital and
turned over to whatever white doctor the hospital may assign. The Negro
doctor who is intimately familiar with the patient's case his story thereupon
steps out of' the picture.
As a result the Negro doctor is denied access to the kind of equipment
that only a hospital can afford, and to frequent observation of this equipment
in use. He is prevented from taking part in the interchange of ideas with
other doctors so important to professional development. And he is
denied the opportunity to treat his own patients in the most critical stages
of their illnesses. He also finds it difficult to secure beds for his patients.
His patient suffers, in turn, from the absence of any professional
meeting ground between his own doctor and the doctor assigned by the hospital
to care for him.
This artificial isolation of a large portion of the medical profession also takes its toll of the proficiency of the hospitals themselves, for they are prevented, by their own action from becoming the consultative medical centers that a hospital should be in any community.
In recognition of the adverse effects upon the community health that this denial of equal opportunity meant, the American Veterans Committee, co-sponsor of tonight’s forum began a study of the situation last April.
Interviews were conducted among Montclair doctors, Negro and white, and among Negro doctors who had moved away from Montclair because of the situation. As a result of this study, AVC prepared a 20-page report entitled “The Negro Doctor in Montclair and his Relationship to Montclair Hospitals.”
In July, this report was submitted to the hospitals with the request to discuss the matter with the respective boards.
We subsequently act with the heads of each hospital. We have not been offered the opportunity to present the case to the boards at Community Hospital, but last month a meeting was finally arranged with the joint medical and administrative boards of Mountainside.
Despite instances cited by AVC of denials to Negro doctors of courtesy privileges, the lowest category of hospital affiliation which only permits them to treat their own patients in the hospital, the officials of Mountainside said that no policy of discrimination existed. They stated that two Negro doctors now on the waiting list would be considered on the same basis as white to doctors applying when their names came up for action. No specific date was given when these applications would be acted upon and the board did not recognize any need for corrective steps in the near future.
Montclair hospitals have not only isolated the Negro doctors, they have also isolated them from existing medical practice in other neighboring towns of like character. In Morristown, Orange, Westfield, Plainfield, Summit and Newark, Negro doctors have been granted courtesy privileges in local hospitals.
Montclair has not been without its share of qualified Negro doctors. At least three Negro doctors have left Montclair to gain recognition and distinction that has been denied them here. One of those men, Dr. Peter Marshall Murray, moved to New York where he has since become an eminent gynecologist, recognized by the top accrediting boards in the nation.
Another, Dr. John A. Kenney, went to the South where he set up the largest Negro clinics in the United States as Surgeon-In-Chief of the Tuskegee, Alabama, Institute Hospital. At Tuskegee, Dr. Kenney became the friend and physician of Booker T. Washington, founder of Tuskegee, and George Washington Carver, famed southern scientist. He later returned to the north where he built his own hospital in another community. He was subsequently elected president of the national Medical Association, the medical society of Negro doctors. Now in retirement, Dr. Kenney has returned to Montclair and is editor of the Journal of the National Medical Association.
Both Dr. Murray and Dr. Kenney had access to Community Hospital in the 1920’s where they practiced without friction. As the hospital grew, however, it apparently felt the necessity of catering to existing racial patterns and the Negro doctors were forced out.
Those men are typical of the type of professional ability that Montclair has turned away at its doorstop.
The significant thing is that neither of these men could have developed their full capacities to serve as physicians if they had stayed in Montclair.
The denial of courtesy privileges to Negro doctors is not because they do not have proper qualifications. Earlier this year, a strange incident occurred to prove this. A Negro doctor applied by letter to Community Hospital. He was accepted on his record, he scheduled a delivery case in the hospital, and was invited to a staff luncheon. It was at the luncheon where he was introduced as a new member of the staff that he first met personally the hospital officials. A few days later, he was called and told that his application had been incorrectly filed. When he tried to correct this, he was told his new application had been denied because of lack of facilities. He was permitted to perform the operation he had scheduled and this was done without friction, but that ended his brief connection with the hospital.
There are many ramifications to this problem.
One is that a doctor's economic life suffers an estimated $3,000 a year because his ability to treat his own patients is limited and because his professional career is stifled.
The citizens of Montclair have a stake in this, for 33.9% of the funds they contribute to the Community Chest go to two Montclair hospitals, Mountainside and Community. Contributors to the Chest are simply not getting their money's worth when the very hospitals they help to support refuse to really serve the entire community instead of just the white community.
In the field of Montclair's tax supported public health program, the picture is a much brighter one. One Negro doctor is attached to the VD clinic of the Board of Health and another was attached to the Chest Clinic before he left Montclair in 1945 because after 11 years of trying he was still unable to get hospital privileges. It should be noted, in passing, that the VD clinic, until recently a part of Mountainside, had to be removed from that location before an appointment of a Negro doctor could be made.
The Bureau of public Health Nursing, as noted in the audit on employment, follows a non-discriminatory policy.
Likewise, there is apparently no discrimination in either the town supported clinics or the hospital's clinics against Negro patients. The real problem is with the doctors.
There is, however, evidence of discrimination by white doctors against Negro patients in their private offices. A Negro child, for instance, was recently refused any more than initial treatment for a condition that required a specialist. He was told, instead, to return in the future to the clinic. His mother protested that she could afford to pay his fees, that she was not indigent. She was told that that could be fixed and was given a form to present to the clinic for her son's treatment. She was thereby forced, against her will, and at a cost to the hospital, to become an indigent person in order to get her son treated.
In fairness to the hospitals, it should be pointed out that in the past year, all three hospitals have reversed previous policy and have hired, for the first time, Negro nurses. This policy is working harmoniously.
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MONTCLAIR CIVIL RIGHTS AUDIT
As Reported at Montclair Forum
December 11, 1947
P U B L I C F A C I L I T I E S
The Committee on Public Facilities, for its part in the Montclair Civil Rights Audit, has surveyed public eating places and shops.
In order to present an accurate picture of Montclair's public places of eating, the Inter-Cultural Group from the State Teachers College was asked to conduct a survey of the restaurants. Since time didn't permit an investigation of every eating establishment in Montclair, we confined our survey to eight representative places which included restaurants, cafeterias and ice cream parlours. We did not include any places that have clearly established a policy of rendering service to everyone.
You might be interested in the method of investigation that we used. For each visit we formed a Group of two or more white students and another group of two colored students. The white students acted as observers in the restaurants. They entered each place five or ten minutes before the colored students and their job was to carefully note any reaction on the parts of the waiters, the waitresses, the proprietor and the patrons present at the time. As often as possiblethey lingered a few minutes after the colored students left the restaurants, to note any further reaction.
Of the eight places visited, seven served the colored group. Of these seven, however, at least four, through various signs, gave evidence of displeasure, discomfort and general unhappiness at the sight of the colored students. For instance, in one , restaurant they were immediately asked to take another table that happened to be located in a less conspicuous section of the room. In another restaurant the entrance of the colored students caused the two waiters to go into an immediate conference. Apparently their decision was to wait on them first, despite the fact that the white students had entered several minutes before. I might add here that in all the restaurants that served colored students, the service was extremely rapid.
One restaurant refused service to the colored students. After they attempted to question the waitress and were ignored by her, it became evident to them that they were not going to be waited upon. When they further questioned the proprietress they learned that her policy was definitely to discriminate. The white investigator at this particular restaurant happened to be seated where she could hear the waitresses discussing the situation. She overheard the remark, "If they are ignored long enough, they'll leave."
In several of the restaurants the reactions of the patrons showed a noticeable element of surprise. Tyro patrons were overheard by a group questioning the waiters as to the presence of the Negroes. Another remark heard was, “Hmmmph, that’s this young age.” A few people showed signs of genuine shock or as one student aptly describe it, “They seemed to be stricken with some very acute malady.”
A great deal of the discrimination that was at one time being carried on in shops other than restaurants has disappeared. However, a few examples still exist where they do not actually deny service, they attempt to discourage the patronage of Negroes by very slow or impolite treatment. One dross shop/openly discriminates and three others do so on occasions. There is no apparent resentment toward Italian or Jewish patronage in any of these public facilities.
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MONTCLAIR CIVIL RIGHTS AUDIT
As Reported at Montclair Forum
December 11, l947
R E C R E A T I O N
The objective of the recreation committee in the Montclair Civil Rights Audit has been to assess recreational opportunities in Montclair, first as provided by the public Recreation Depart-ment in cooperation with the School System and the park Department; second as provided by other private philanthropic organizations; and finally as provided by privately owned recreational facilities open to the public.
The activities of the public Recreation Department are well distributed, developed on the basis of need, and with the possible exception of the George Washington School area, play space is adequate and readily accessible. In the most congested area of town, activities are carried on 5 afternoons a week while in other areas the program is more limited. The 3 county parks within the city boundaries are also utilized for recreational programs.
All of these activities are organized and carried on in entire disregard of race, color, or creed, based entirely on the need and subsequent response of those who care to participate .No differentiation of any kind is made. In the summer of 1946, 1182 individuals took part in the summer playground program. Of these 1182 individuals, 327 or 27% were Negro. Other similar figures for evening centers, after school centers, etc. , indicate an even higher Negro participation. Making allowance, then, for the fact of population and area segregation with the resultant natural group separation, it can be stated that these activities and facilities are all made available ,without regard to race, color or creed factors.
Private organizations present another picture. The Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts subscribe to the following in their statements of purpose: "Utterly void of discrimination and positively concerned with the welfare of ‘boys’ or 'girls' regardless of their race, color, creed, or economic status.” The chartered local bodies of the organizations include both races and so does the leadership, although the employed staff does not (with the exception of the culinary department). Both organizations include all groups in their membership, the Boy Scouts having 40 Negro and 412 white scouts, the Girl Scouts having 86 Negro and 314 white scouts. Each have all groups participating in summer camp activities, the Girl Scouts completely integrating the membership into one group, the Boy Scouts carrying on on a troop basis and to that extent segregated.
There is a segregation according to troops, the Boy Scouts having 2 colored and 11 white troops, the Girl Scouts having 5 colored and 11 white troops (for example). This again is due to population and area segregation, plus the added factors of institution sponsorship of individual troops (usually segregated in character) and personal preference in addition to probable social pressure. There has been and there are now, however, exceptions to this separation into troops, and these exceptions have worked out in a satisfactory manner.
The Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A. present a mixed status. The Y.M.C.A. is definitely segregated, endeavoring to make equal provision for all, but separately according to race. A White board heads the institution with a colored representative on it from the board which manages the colored branch. Whites are provided for at the Park Street building and colored at the Washington Street branch. This involves some inequalities with regard to both leadership and facilities. During the past year exceptions with regard to membership in the Y.M. have been made so that now “club” membership may be mixed and on this basis all facilities are available. Organizations using the buildings are often mixed as are the staff conferences, although the staff works on a segregated basis. A Church Athletic federation is white in membership.
The Y.W.C.A. is non-discriminatory in character and purpose and with the exception of the two top boards, one white and one colored, seems to-carry-through the non-discriminatory character into both program and activity. The two boards acting together as a Joint Board govern the institution. The staff is not interracial although the leadership, and membership is. The colored group predominates, however. Mixed groups participate in all activities. The intent is to serve all groups on a completely integrated basis, with racial factors entirely disregarded. It should be noted that the Y.M.C.A. has a women's branch which includes an all-white membership.
The result of the tendency to segregate in these institutions is to emphasize restrictive barriers among boys and girls at impressionable ages, making it more difficult for them to adjust to democratic living.
The Camp Committee of the Montclair Council of Social Agencies carries on its work “according to request and after judging boys' background, interest, and adaptability to camp life.” Last summer 159 Negro boys. and 49 white boys were sent to camps, 12 out of the 16 camps to which the boys were sent took boys regardless of racial background.
Commercialized recreation facilities carried on by business firms in Montclair follow the segregation pattern. The one roller skating rink which is located in a predominantly Negro neighborhood limits its clientele to a white “membership.” A test case under the New Jersey Civil Rights law has been set up on the basis of a point blank refusal to admit Negroes solely because of the color of their skins. This matter is being disputed by groups of responsible Montclair citizens and is now in court process. Two of the bowling alleys serve only white patrons, one replying to all colored applications “the alleys are reserved.” The remaining ( one ) alley caters to both white and colored. A visit to the alley indicates that the .alley serves a largely colored group.
In all of the discriminatory practices by private organizations, denial of the opportunity of equal access to recreational facilities falls on groups for whom the need is greatest.
This investigation was made by interviews with those in charge of the organizations, with the membership, and with others who by sufficient contact are in a position to know. The interviews were supplemented by actual observation and participation in the programs and activities involved.
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