1964 MONTCLAIR COMMUNITY AUDIT
 

INTRODUCTION

The 1964 Community Audit is a direct result of the Freedom March on Washington,
August 28, 1963. The story is briefly this:

 
One of the members (white) of the Board of Directors of the
Montclair Young Women's Christian Association participated
in the Freedom March and returned home, greatly inspired
and deeply moved. Determined to "do something", she made
some urgent recommendations to the Board of Directors. The
Public Affairs Committee, to whom these recommendations were
referred, unanimously agreed that an up-dating of the 1947
Community Audit was very much in order. Therefore, with the
approval of the Board of Directors, the Public Affairs Committee
of the YWCA invited representatives of the Fair Housing Committee,
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,
the Montclair Civil Rights Commission, the B'nai B'rith Women,
the Intercultural Association, and the United Church Women to
meet together in early November 1963, to discuss the possibility
of such a co-operative effort. There was unanimous agreement to
go ahead with it and so the 1964 Community Audit was launched.


The 1947 Community Audit grew out of a report made by the President's Commission
on Civil Rights. The 1964 Community Audit was a natural follow-up to a state-
ment of public policy made by the Town Commission on February 19, 1963:
 

"The members of the Board of Commissioners are unanimous in opposing
discrimination based on race, creed or color whether such discrimina-
tion be an infringement of civil rights or an expression of prejudice.

Opposition to such discrimination has long been the policy of the
governing body of Montclair. In 1949 the Town Commission established
by official action a Civil Rights Commission to act under the author-
ity of the anti-discrimination laws of the State of New Jersey. The
Civil Rights Commission has been maintained and supported ever since.

It has been very successful in working out amicable and satis-
factory solutions of cases of discrimination which have come be-
fore it. This they have done by a process of mutual understand-
ing and conciliation.

While much has been done, through the Civil Rights Commission
and otherwise, to establish equality of civil rights, there
still remains prejudice, resulting in discrimination which is not
and cannot be controlled by laws. For example, some people continue
to be prejudiced against having any member of a minority group as a
neighbor, regardless of how good a neighbor he would be, based on
a fear that this would lead to a change in the character of the
neighborhood.

We ask all citizens of Montclair to accept people on the basis of
their individual qualifications, not reject them because of race
or color, whether dealing with employment, with places of residence,
or with responsibilities in town organizations. In this way, with
increased understanding, not conflict, with friendliness, not
antagonism, we are confident that the significant progress of past
years will be maintained and accelerated".


The following reports seek to determine the extent to which all Montclair citizens actually participate freely in the life of the town and whether they all enjoy equality of opportunity. We have followed for the most part the pattern of the 1947 Audit, but have included some areas not covered in the original survey.

EDUCATION

To bring the Montclair Civil Rights Education Audit up-to-date, we again consulted with school officials, teachers, PTA officers, parents and students. In addition to a survey of 1) school districting, 2) employment practices, 3) the school program, 4) in-service teacher training toward better human relations, and 5) school-community participation through Parent-Teacher Associations--all of which had been investigated in 1947, we extended the scope to include 6) the make-up of the Montclair private and parochial schools, and 7) the courses in human relations or related fields offered at the Montclair Adult School and Montclair State College.

1) Montclair has done away completely with the practice existing in 1947 of enabling parents who live near elementary schools with sizeable Negro populations to send their children farther from home to schools with smaller Negro populations. Therefore, at the elementary level, the school district lines are now clearly defined. At the Junior High School level, district lines prevail for all students except those in the former Glenfield Junior High School area. Temporarily pupils of that school, closed due to dropping enrollment (from 302 in 1947-48 to 185 in 1960-61), increasing costs per pupil (in 1960 $760.88 at Glenfield as compared with $557.74 at Mt. Hebron) and to the local parents' demands, are assigned through a "modified option" plan, i.e., parents may express a preference for assignment but final responsibility for assignment remains with the board of Education. Glenfield pupils are divided among the other three Junior High Schools in equal numbers. The following table shows some of the changes which have occurred in the last 17 years:
 
 
1947 1964
Total enrollment 7,247 7,394
Percent White 74.1 69.6
Elementary Schools 1947 % White 1964 %White
      Bradford 100 100
      Edgemont 100  95
      George Washington  58.4 closed
      Glenfield  14.6  10
      Grove  72.6  70
      Hillside  88.7  70
      Mt. Hebron 100 100
      Nishuane  48.8  10
      Northeast 100 100
      Rand   33.6  15
      Southwest 100
      Watchung  98.3  95
Junior High Schools
      George Inness   80.8  70
      Glenfield  35  closed
      Hillside  64.9  35
      Mt. Hebron 100  90
Senior High School
      Montclair High  77  75

 

2) As to school employment practices, in 1947 there was one Negro teaching regularly and one full-time substitute among the 257 classroom teachers; in addition, six Negroes qualified as substitute teachers. In 1964, we have one Negro Assistant Principal and, of 316 teachers in the system, 34 Negroes are full-time teachers, three of whom teach in predominantly white schools; there is one part-time Negro teacher, and, while the substitute list varies and the exact numbers not given, a school representative states that more Negro substitutes are needed.

3) The Audit study of the school program has been divided into curriculum and extra-curricular activities.

Curriculum:

Over the past 15 years the text-book writers have laid greater emphasis on human relations, the importance of understanding all points of view, and the shared responsibility for the persecuted minority, be it the Jewish one of Nazi Germany or the American Negro. Through the elementary school the Social Studies field has reflected this general trend toward increased awareness of other peoples and their problems. Since Montclair is not a large quantity buyer of text-books, as is New York City or Chicago, it is the opinion of school administrative officials that Montclair is unable to exert pressure on the publishers to include, for instance, a Negro middle-income family living on the same street with "Sally, Dick and Janet” of first grade fame. However, national studies showing the relative bias of various texts are now available to any interested Montclair curriculum committee.

Ironically, scholastic segregation results from newly integrated school situations (most recently at the Junior High level, here in Montclair). So long as a student's verbal ability falls below that of the majority of white pupils, he will lose the opportunity for integrated classroom experience. This same pattern is evident in High School, where few Negroes are in the top sections of the major academic courses. As one school official stated, although the increased stimulus has raised an under-achieving student's performance occasionally, in most cases the expanded cultural background and motivation should be acquired at the beginning of his school career or even before, in pre-school years. In the 1964-65 school budget, the Board of Education has requested (for the second time) a small amount of money ($35,000.00) to begin such a program for under-achieving elementary schools. This program is in its planning stages.

Extra-curricular Affairs:

Some extra-curricular activities are completely integrated on the High School level. In the past 10 years at least two Negroes have served as president of the Senior Class, others as class officers; one has been awarded the highest school honor, the M.H.S. Award. Several have been cheer-leaders, some serving as captains or co-captains of the squad. In other words, Negroes and whites have lived together harmoniously in the classroom, on the athletic field and in the many clubs and school organizations.

At the school dances, proms and Senior Boat Rides, etc. the behavior pattern differs. Perhaps the more formal atmosphere complicates integration, as numerous Negroes used to come to the informal Youth Canteen when it flourished in 1955-57 under the direction of Mr. Charles Edgerton. Despite great efforts by some of the white student leadership, many Negroes feel reluctant to participate; when that reluctance is overcome, some white pupils react contrarily--or their parents forbid them to come, which is one of the reasons given for the gradual failure of the Canteen.

As for the Junior High Schools, the same criteria, i.e., interest, merit and ability, apply to Negro and white alike for election, selection or appointment to the various class positions, clubs and teams. The pattern of class officers in one Junior High over the past three years has been: '61, a Negro President and Vice-President of the Student Council; '62, a Negro President and white Vice-President; '63, both white President and Vice-President. At this age, there appears to be no reticence in attending social functions, even the formal dances. The Boat Ride one school offers received almost 100% participation in the spring of '63, with as many Negro parents as white parents attending as sponsors. There are indications that white parents fear the friendships which result from integrated social contacts. A case in which two Negroes were not invited to a party, due to the white parents' plea to wait until the young host knew them better, raises the question as to how these friendships have a chance to thrive on such exclusion. One school principal commented, "If the adults were to stay out of the picture, we wouldn't know there was a color problem".

4) The In-Service Training program has not changed appreciably over the past 15 years. There have been no formal inter-racial relations courses provided, nor such things as attempts to prepare new teachers for special classroom situations, or group discussion among teachers of an under-achieving school, under the guidance of a sociologist or educator. In the spring of ~64, the Central Office has scheduled two meetings with the principals and staff of under-achieving schools, to hear Dr. Frank Riessman of the Urban Studies Center at Rutgers.

5) A decided improvement in inter-group relations can be seen in the integration of the P.T.A.'s in Montclair, since the last Audit. All schools with Negro students (except Southwest, which has only one Negro family in its district) have P.T.A. Executive Boards with white and Negro members. No longer is it true, as it was in 1947, that "in some (schools) the white parents are apprehensive and express their fear by trying to minimize Negro participation in the P.T.A.".
 

The Montclair Board of Education has had a Negro serving as one of its five members since 1959. She was elected Vice-president 0£ the Board in 1963 and again in 1964, after having been re-appointed for another five-year term.

6) The make-up of Montclair's private and parochial schools was investigated to give a complete picture of this town's educational posture.

Parochial Schools:

There are three Parish Parochial schools in Montclair, two of which have Negro students living in the Parish; the third has no Negro students as none live in the district. As far as we know there are no Negro teachers in any of the Parochial schools.

Private Schools:

Brookside, a co-educational day school, teaching 147 pre-Kindergarteners through
6th graders, for many years has enrolled Negro children who can pass the entrance examinations. In the school year, 1963-64, there are 12 Negro students, and no Negro teachers.

Kimberley School (280 girls) provides private education from pre-Kindergarten through high school for students from Montclair and surrounding communities. In 1963-64 one Negro girl is attending and there are no Negro teachers.

Lacordaire is a private girls' school drawing its students from not only Montclair but from several surrounding communities, and it has no Negro pupils.

Montclair Academy educates boys from 7th through 12th grade and currently has an enrollment of 230 from Montclair and vicinity. Since the middle 1950's Negro boys have attended this school. 0£ the two who attended last year, one was president of his class. This year there is one Negro pupil and no Negro teachers.

Montclair State College High School accepts 30 students each year from Montclair and surrounding communities to make up its 7th grade class. The school has five grades and since the late 1940’s has accepted Negroes who could pass the entrance examinations. There are three Negro pupils at College High this year. As the faculty of the High School is in actuality the College faculty, the three present Negro instructors in Art, Mathematics, and Social Studies teach the College High students.

7) With the increased consciousness 0£ the importance of inter-group relations comes the need to educate not only our present students (through the home, the church and the classroom) and our present teachers (through in-service training), but also to provide proper information for our future teachers and our town parents. Therefore, the teacher preparation which takes place at Montclair State College (affecting only secondary school teachers) and the evening classes offered at the Montclair Adult School become our final items of investigation.

At the College, many new courses, all elective, are available. The Social Studies department is giving an entire semester course on "Africa" for the first: time this spring (1964). Another undergraduate course, "Cultural Diversity", and two graduate courses, “Living Races” and “Intercultural Relations” , will provide background for our future secondary teachers. "Anthropology", a survey course, and workshops round out the College's offerings.

Over the past 12 years, the Montclair Adult School has attempted to offer courses on the cultures and problems of minorities. No Negroes, and only two whites, signed for "Negro Authors" about 10 years ago; "Modern Negro Literature",  two years ago, fared no better; arid a further attempt failed in October, 1963, when only three adults desired to study "Human Relations and Community Living". Out of the 1,500 enrolled in the Adult School, between 15-20% are Negroes, taking courses not only in typing, stenography, dental technician training, or millinery, but also in the Liberal Arts field for a more general background. For the past five years qualified Negroes have been employed as faculty members.

PUBLIC HEALTH

"The problem of civil rights in Montclair is very close to the problem of public health". This was the opening sentence of the Montclair Community Audit of 1947 and it remains true today, but the emphasis has changed.

Though it is impossible to compare disease rates between white and Negroes since records are not kept by race, the Health Department in 1962 reported that 71% of the tuberculosis cases and 70% of the infant mortality were located in the 18% of the Town area where 84% of the non-white population live. In addition these five Census Tracts, (so designated by the U.S. Census of 1960 in a special study on housing requested and paid for by the Town Commission) out of a total of 12 in Montclair, contain 83% of the deteriorating housing and 93% of the dilapidated housing. It is not difficult, therefore, to realize the connection between sub-standard housing, the denial of equal opportunities to minority groups, and public health.

The Bureau of Public Welfare Annual Report of 1960 indicated "at least 12 homes this past year that were far below standard where we have refused to pay rent". These homes were on Cherry Street, New Street, Mission Street, Bay Street, and Glenridge Avenue--all within the 18% of the Town Area where 84% of the non-white population live. The Welfare Department Report went on to say, "Rentals for many of our clients are way out of line with what is offered in the way of homes". A check of 1964 rentals paid by Welfare clients indicates the situation has not improved --4 rooms, no heat, $100.00 per month; two tiny closet-sized rooms, no heat, $45.00 per month; eight rooms, no heat, $130.00 per month. Montclair’s Health Officer, Keble Perine, put it this way, "Sub-standard housing, the only housing within the financial means of many people, provides the lowest return for the rent dollar. A minority of landlords, charging exorbitant rents and providing minimum services and maintenance, exploit sub-standard housing unmercifully".

The Audit Committee found that this question comes up time and again among citizens aware of the extent of inadequate housing conditions in Montclair: "Why are some sub-standard structures which were unbelievably inadequate in 1938 still unfit for human habitation in 1964?". Is this due to something less than strict enforcement of town codes and ordinances in the poorer sections of town (a common tendency of many communities throughout the country), or to a lack of sufficient trained personnel to handle the problem, or perhaps to a different interpretation of "minimum housing standards" by various town officials working in this field? Whatever the reason, a large number of Montclair's non-white population are forced to live in "overcrowded, deteriorated, unheated, verminous dwellings, detrimental to the physical and mental health of the occupants". The Committee could get no answer.

As this report is being prepared, a massive program to rehabilitate much of the town's sub-standard housing is being organized for this spring. It will utilize experienced inspection personnel from several town departments, as well as active citizen participation in neighborhoods under the leadership and guidance of the CAC-CI (Citizens Advisory Committee for Community Improvement). The program is largely a volunteer effort but town officials, armed with new powers to force reluctant landlords to correct violations, have promised vigorous enforcement of minimum standards.

In a letter to the Chairman of the Civil Rights Commission, dated March 13, 1964, Mr. Perine said “The Montclair Health Department, in a recent study, had listed community needs for facilities and services to improve the health and social welfare of the people and the first three needs listed are:

Elimination or rehabilitation of sub-standard housing.

Provision of low and medium rental houses.

Alleviation of difficulties in obtaining adequate housing by minority groups".

As can be seen, housing and health are inter-dependent. And in 1964 "the problem of civil rights is very close to the problem of public health" in the field of housing.

Much of the 1947 Audit was devoted to the relations between doctors and patients, doctors and hospitals, and nurses and hospitals. In 1964, we find Montclair hospitals not only extend courtesy privileges to Negro doctors but several are on the active staff at the present time. Negro doctors are included in hospital seminars and conferences held regularly to up-date doctors on the latest medical information and practices. They are members of the Medical Societies.

Montclair hospitals hire nurses on the basis of merit and there have been several Negroes serving in our local hospitals. They are included in nurses' training programs and, upon receiving their R.N. degree, serve either as staff nurses or private duty nurses. Some have risen to be head nurses in certain areas in the hospitals. Other positions open to Negroes are x-ray technicians, dieticians, and social workers. In other words, we have a much different and brighter picture in 1964 than in 1947.

The tax-supported public health program remains about the same as it was in the previous Audit. There is a non-discriminatory policy in the hiring of doctors, nurses and technicians. The Dental Clinic, recently opened as a joint project of Bloomfield and Montclair, is headed by a Negro Dentist. When asked if the Town Health Department had any special programs aimed at trying to lower the higher death rate for Negroes, the Town Health Officer replied, "We have no special program for Negroes because the Health Department is concerned with all the people, irrespective of age, color, race, economic status or any other classification. However, because many Negroes are in a lower economic group and many are forced to live in sub-standard houses, the need of Negroes for various Health Department services is relatively large. (76% of the Community nursing services are required in the five Census Tracts housing 84% of the non-white population). In this sense, Negroes benefit from Health Department services".

Montclair's Volunteer Ambulance Service, a private group, accepts applicants as corps members on the basis of merit. Certain qualifications are required, such as good health, a knowledge of first aid, and a strong physique. At present, three Negro women are volunteers. The Ambulance Service recently has issued a call for volunteers to devote some time to ther service--an opportunity open to anyone.

In summary, we would like to say that in some areas the 1964 Audit shows distinct improvement over the 1947 Audit, such as the acceptance of doctors and nurses on the basis of merit. On the other hand, there remains much to be done to improve the housing available for low-income families, particularly non-whites. Improving conditions in Montclair requires the help of ALL citizens in the community. Mr. Keble Perine wrote to the Civil Rights Commission Chairman: "Many Health Department objectives cannot possibly be achieved without the understanding, approval and active participation of the people. A vivid example is the current S.O.S. program. Sabin oral vaccine, a simple and effective means of preventing polio, was offered every man, woman and child in Montclair; an intensive publicity campaign was carried on for weeks. And yet the program failed to completely achieve its goal because 40% of the people did not fulfill their responsibility to participate".
 

PUBLIC FACILITIES

The Public Facilities section of this Audit covers:

1. Restaurants
2. Bars
3. Other Business Establishments
4. Cemeteries
5. Service Clubs

The first three categories have been investigated by minority group members qualified to recognize discrimination in practice and their reports all lead to the conclusion that there was none in those places visited. (We chose for testing those places about which some questions had been raised by actual experiences of minority groups in the past).

Several facilities not included in the previous Audit were deemed important enough to investigate. One of these is cemeteries. Of the four cemeteries in Montclair, two are sectarian, one being Catholic and the other Jewish. The latter is for the exclusive use of the membership of the Temple Sharey Tefilo. Both of the others are definitely non-discriminatory, open to all with the ability to pay.

The other facility which was thought important enough to be included was Service Clubs, both men's and women's. The majority of the Service Clubs have national policies against discrimination, but local practice has varied depending on the community. During the past year one of the leading men's Service Clubs has admitted Negro members for the first time in Montclair. One of the women's Service Clubs has, from its inception, been open to all women citizens. Positive and conscientious efforts have been made to enroll minority group members in larger numbers than have so far responded. But, of those who have joined, several have served on the Board of Directors. Another women's Service Club has some non-white members, one of whom is currently serving as an officer of the group.

-9-
HOUSING

Since the previous Civil Rights Audit, there has been a major change in the attitude toward open housing in Montclair. The consciences of many white residents have been troubled, and many are willing to do something about the right of theNegro to buy any house he can afford in any section of town.

A Montclair Fair Housing Committee has been formed, and is working to end bias in housing, The Committee is cooperating with 53 similar committees in surrounding areas, and is part of a county and state organization working to end bias on those levels. The Montclair committee, largely white in membership, succeeded in obtaining the signatures of some 700 Montclair residents for a full page advertisement in the Montclair Times, affirming the signer's belief in the right to housing regardless of color or creed.

Various groups hold meetings on the subject, and it continues to be a major topic of discussion throughout the town. Real Estate brokers are engaged in efforts to seek a solution to the problem.

Has all of this concern been translated into tangible results? Has all of the good will, the meetings and the committees produced any concrete evidence of progress? By way of answer, we will cite information gathered from buyers, sellers, would-be renters, real estate brokers, apartment house managers, residents of white neighborhoods, and census figures pertaining to the pattern of racial distribution in Montclair, and its relation to deteriorating and dilapidated housing.

1. Sellers
The Montclair Fair Housing Committee has been calling private owners who have advertised houses for sale. In the last two months, 22 of the numbers called
proved to be those of houses in all white neighborhoods. Of these 22, four ex-
pressed willingness to sell to a Negro buyer, two did not object but were unwilling to be the first in their neighborhood to do so, and one requested further information.

Negro buyers who have succeeded in finding homes in white neighborhoods arranged the purchase through private owners. It is generally felt that more sellers would be willing to sell to Negro buyers if they did not fear the reaction of their white neighbors.

2. Buyers
14 Negro families were questioned on their experiences in looking for houses in
Montclair. Without exception, these families said they were searching for a
suitable house in a nice neighborhood and a good school for their children. In no case was the family eager to integrate a white neighborhood; in fact several acknowledged some reluctance to do so because of unwillingness to expose their children to possible hostility.

Three of these families bought houses in previously all-white areas. The sales
were arranged privately, without the service of a Montclair broker.

Two buyers were escorted by a realtor to houses in white neighborhoods. In each
case, the buyer found the houses unsuitable for various reasons so there was no
discussion with the owner. In each case, the realtor was asked to call if anything suitable turned up; the call was never made.

Five other families who were not shown houses asked to be called if anything suitable turned up. They were not called.

Four buyers called a realtor about a specific house advertised by him, and were
told that it was off the market. Later it was discovered that two of these houses were still for sale.

Four buyers were told frankly by the realtor that the owners of the houses they
wanted would not sell to Negroes. A fifth buyer was given a frank description of
the color line in Montclair and was told that no houses could be shown beyond this line. (North of Watchung Avenue and west of Harrison Avenue).

In one case, a price difference was found between that asked from white buyers and that asked from a Negro buyer.

In most cases Negro buyers were told that mortgaging would be a problem, and that they would need a great deal of cash for a down payment. One buyer offered a third of the purchase price in cash and was told that this would not be enough.

Negro buyers complain about being quizzed on finances, but this is defended on the basis that it is standard practice with white buyers, also, and that the realtor has a right to know whether the client is in a position to be seriously interested in the houses he wishes to see.

In general, Negro buyers feel that the variety of reasons they are given for not
being able to buy houses in Upper Montclair represent evasions, and that realtors do not encourage Negroes to look in white areas but do what they can to discourage them. However, they agree that, in general, they receive polite treatment in Montclair real estate offices, and that a change seems to be in the making. During the past two weeks, two families report a new attitude on the part of realtors who showed them through houses in white areas without comment or attempts to discourage them. One prospective Negro buyer was shown the realtor's book of listings, a favor which is not always granted to white buyers.

Most realtors say that they receive very few calls from Negro buyers, but buyers say that this is because of negative experiences in the past. However, most of the complaints against real estate brokers come from people who have not looked at houses in the past two or three months. Buyers who have, tend to find a different climate than existed before; whether this will lead to sales is yet to be determined. Negro buyers will not jump at a house just because it is in a white district; they tend, just as white buyers do, to look at a great many houses before they find one which is suitable for them. The thing that Negro buyers want is the right to look at houses on the same basis as white buyers, and to have their offers transmitted to owners. This is guaranteed them by the new rulings which are summarized later on in this report.

3. Attitudes of White Residents
Analysis of a map plotting the addresses of those who signed the Fair Housing advertisement shows that there is scarcely a block in Montclair which does not have at least one family on it willing to accept Negro neighbors. Since the advertisement appeared, many other residents have expressed a willingness to sign a similar statement.

In the past year, at least three Negro families have moved into white neighborhoods without causing any stir in town; outside of the immediate neighbors and those who have some particular interest in the situation, most people are unaware of it, and there has been no incident to mark the event. Negro families report a cordial reception by their white neighbors. However, in each case, resentment was expressed toward the seller before the house changed hands, and in one case an offer to buy the house was made by neighbors.

An informal poll of several blocks in Upper Montclair showed that from 20% to 35% of the residents had no objection to having Negro neighbors. There has been no panic selling in any of the-newly integrated neighborhoods. On the contrary, in two recent instances in which a Negro family moved i~to a previously white block, the next sale on the block was made to a white family. In fact, on one street three white families bought houses soon after a Negro family had moved into the block. In all of these cases, there was no lowering of real estate values; all of the houses were sold at the prevailing market price, and there was no sudden increase in turn-over of houses.

In one instance, when a third Negro family moved on a block, there was a ripple of panics but this was quieted by the efforts of one realtor who has been outstanding in his efforts, and by several religious leaders who cooperated with him.

There has been no attempt at block busting by any Montclair realtor. About a year ago, an out of town firm did attempt what appeared to be some block busting, but this was recognized for what it was, and apparently had no effect.

Many white residents who would welcome Negro neighbors nevertheless express concern about the possibility of a block, a neighborhood, or a large section of the town becoming completely Negro, thereby creating another ghetto instead of an integrated situation. The key to avoiding this seems to be the willingness of white residents to remain where they are, avoiding panic selling, and the willingness of white buyers to buy houses after a Negro has moved in, as well as in the willingness of Negro buyers to resist the temptation to flock to an area once it has been integrated by one Negro family, and, instead, to look for houses in other all-white neighborhoods.

4. Apartments
It is almost impossible for a Negro to rent an apartment in an all-white apartment building. There are apartment houses, some of them fine ones, wholly Negro occupied, but there is only one integrated apartment house, as far as we know, and one other which has, at present, one Negro resident. All of the others resist Negro occupancy. The reasons given Negro renters may be a polite evasion or an honest answer that the other tenants might move out, or that it would be unfair to them. When pressure was exerted in one case by a lawyer, the owner reluctantly agreed to rent to a Negro family but imposed so many conditions that the family decided to look elsewhere. Landlords are interested primarily in protecting their investment; if they were assured that white tenants would not flee an integrated building, they would probably be willing to rent to Negroes in many instances.

5. Real estate brokers
Montclair real estate brokers insist, for the most part, that everyone who comes
into their offices are treated in a fair, friendly manner, regardless of race. They admit, however, that there is a difference of opinion among the brokers themselves as to the way to handle the Negro buyer, and that there are still some brokers who are completely opposed to the idea of open housing. Most real estate agents take a realistic attitude, recognizing this as one of their major problems, and trying to find ways to solve it which will offend nobody, and which will help the town, while keeping them within the law. They are not enthusiastic about Negro clients, but most do not openly discourage them, and some wish the situation was different. One broker put it quite bluntly: "My living depends on the number of houses I sell. Do you suppose that I want to turn away a Negro with money in his pocket, when I know some of that money could go into a commission for me?”

Most brokers feel that they are expected to take the lead in a situation which, actually, depends for its solution on the attitude of white residents, and the willingness of white owners to show their homes to Negroes without fear of neighborhood reprisals. Montclair realtors have been in the lead in attempting to get their state organization to tackle the problem, and are presently engaged in efforts to work cooperatively with brokers in surrounding towns. They feel, with justification, that this is not merely a local problem, and that it must be solved on an area-wide, state-wide basis.

One complaint was filed with the State Division Against Discrimination against a Montclair realtor, and this was found to be without basis. Realtors cite this exoneration as evidence of their contention that they do not discriminate. However, most of them admit that they do not call back a Negro buyer if something comes in which would interest him, as they would with a white buyer. Most of them also blame their reluctance to deal with Negroes on the fact that they are afraid of economic reprisals by white residents. If the attitude of the town were to change, it would be reflected in the real estate offices.

In fact, the attitude of real estate brokers has already undergone a marked change, particularly in the past weeks. It is too early to assess the effect of the new rulings, which date from December 1, 1963. Most brokers appear to be obeying the letter of the law, but a few do not, feeling that it will not be valid until it is tested in the courts. These rulings provide that:

1. No questions may be asked by a broker or his employees concerning race, religion, color, or national origins.

2. When accepting a listing from a seller, the broker must give him a copy of the explanation of all pertinent state regulations. If the owner refuses to abide by the regulations, the broker must refuse the listing.

3. Block-busting is illegal.

4. The broker must transmit every formal written offer to the seller.

A few brokers have been outstanding in their efforts to help the housing picture in Montclair. They feel that their principal role is that of stepping in, once a Negro has bought a house in a white neighborhood, and averting a wave of panic selling. This has worked well so far, but it has taken strenuous efforts on the part of these realtors, particularly in selling houses to white buyers after a Negro buyer has moved onto a block. These realtors deserve praise for their help in stabilizing situations, and most of them feel that, at present, this is the principal area in which they can make a contribution.

One of the difficulties in the past has been that of arranging mortgages for a Negro buyer in a white neighborhood. However, one such buyer recently arranged a mortgage through a bank merely by applying for it in the normal way. If this hopeful sign is repeated, it would solve one major problem in financing Negro housing.

6. Obsolescent Housing
The census figures concerning housing and racial distributions in Montclair show that there is a high correlation between the percentage of Negro residents of a district, and the percentage of deteriorating and dilapidated houses. For the purposes of simplifying the figures, we have divided Montclair into three sections:

Upper Montclair, from Watchung Avenue north to the town line;
Middle Montclair, from Watchung Avenue south to B1oomfield Avenue
Lower Montclair, from Bloomfield Avenue south to the town line.

Because the census districts are different from the usual divisions within the town, it is not possible to make an exact count, but the figures as accurately as we can measure them, show the following:

               White   Negro  Deteriorating  Dilapidated
District  Residents Residents  Houses   Houses
Upper
Montclair  11,107     53*      31         2

Middle
Montclair  12,540    3,054     451    142

Lower
Montclair  10,639    5,094     715    145

* mostly domestics

The implications of this imbalance in housing are covered in the Public Health section of this Audit, and need not be repeated here. However, it is obvious that the inability of Negroes to move out of ghettos forces many of them to put up with unsatisfactory houses which they would not occupy were they free to move into other areas.

7. Conclusions
At present, the picture is more encouraging than it has been, but it is not yet a rosy one. Gains have been made, but there is still a long way to go before Negroes are free to buy any house they can afford and to move into and out of neighborhoods as freely as white residents.

One fifth to one-third of Upper Montclair residents express a willingness to accept Negro neighbors, but we can find only one Negro family who has actually bought a home in Upper Montclair. Real estate brokers express their desire to help solve the problem, and have begun to show houses to Negroes in areas previously closed to them, but the brokers admit that they do not actually seem to be selling houses to Negroes in Upper Montclair. There is acceptance of Negroes who move into white neighborhoods, but little or no encouragement for them to do so.
 

However, the town of Montclair can pride itself on approaching integration in housing in a reasonable manner, without incidents of any sort. There has been no panic selling, no block busting. It is obvious that Montclair citizens can act
rationally. It is to be hoped that education and sincere efforts to work together will contribute to an orderly integration in Montclair.

RECREATION

In up-dating the Montclair Civil Rights Audit, the outline of the original report on recreation has been followed: assessing the Public Recreation Department program, then private agencies receiving some Community Chest support, and finally the privately owned and financed recreational facilities open to the public.

The Public Recreation Department program has expanded steadily and has been carried to all parts of the community. In 1963 the number of children participating in the summer playground program (2,841) had more than doubled the number reported for 1946 (1,182). The sixteen town tennis courts were used about twice as much in 1963 as in 1947. And other activities sponsored by the Recreation Department, such as badminton, volleyball, softball, and Senior Citizens groups, have all showed a corresponding increase in use. All these activities are open to all without regard to race, color or creed, whether organized on a geographical basis for the younger children or on an interest basis for teenagers and adults. In town-sponsored tournaments, such as tennis, basketball, or softball, the winners are determined by ability and both races have had their share of champions. All the parks are open to Montclair citizens without exception.

The Scouts, the Young Men's Christian Association and the Young Women's Christian Association are private organizations which receive some support from the Community Chest. Some changes are noted since the Audit of 1947.

Both the Boy Scouts and the Girl Scouts have a national policy of including all boys and girls interested in scouting. Since both the Boy Scout and the Girl Scout troops rely upon the sponsorship of a church or school, the make-up of the troop is determined by the population pattern of the area or the membership of a particular church. The Council of Social Agencies Evaluation Study of March, 1958 noted that there were fewer troops in the poorer economic areas, "although the need was at least as great" .Reasons given for this were " (a) the difficulties parents experience in meeting even the local Scout expenses including cost of uniforms, dues and trips and (b) the problem of attracting qualified men as Leaders". A further study in 1962 by the Community Welfare Council (formerly the Council of Social Agencies) indicated that although some of the poorer economic areas still lagged behind the total town percentage of 8-18 year olds as Boy Scouts (29%), other such areas exceeded the town percentage. This same pattern appeared for the Girl Scouts in the 1962 Study and they, too, have had difficulty attracting qualified Leaders. Summer Scout camps are integrated.

The Young Men's Christian Association and the Young Women's Christian Association both show some distinct changes since 1947.

The Young Women's Christian Association, at 159 Glenridge Avenue, merged the two
governing boards, one white and one Negro, into one Board of Directors in 1953 and thereby became an affiliate of the National Y.W.C.A. In 1957, the staff became inter-racial and the Community Welfare Council--Y.W.C.A. Co-operative Study of 1962 found the membership widely representative of Montclair and vicinity on a completely integrated basis. All activities and programs are non-discriminatory and open to all women and girls who wish to participate. Membership dues have been kept low intentionally so that none may be excluded for financial reasons. Participants in various activities pay additional fees for special classes and activities. The Cooperative Study of 1962, of which a member of the Community Welfare Council was chairman, said, "Through the years the Y.W.C.A. gradually eliminated racial qualification, and has realized its goal of racial inclusiveness. While this unique background has probably helped give the Y.W.C.A. a deeper concern for racial questions than is found in Montclair generally, it has imposed a severe handicap. We do not believe the Y.W.C.A. has been successful--despite great effort--in erasing from the public mind a false concept. Unfortunately to, many, it remains a 'colored Y.W.C.A.' ". Even in 1964 white newcomers when asking about the Y.W.C.A. are referred to the Women's Division of the Y.M.C.A. on Park Street and some, upon insisting they want the Y.W., are told by telephone, "Oh, you want the colored Y.W. on Glenridge Avenue". Policemen and bus drivers direct out of town guests and speakers to Park Street Y.M.C.A. Even the local newspaper is continually mis-placing the Y.~.C.A. Yet despite this handicap and despite the fact that "The Y.W.C.A. building is totally inadequate, and seriously impairs the Y.W.'s overall effectiveness", the Co-operative Study said, "Having completed its study, the Committee is thoroughly and unanimously convinced that there very clearly is a continuing need for the Y.W.C.A. in Montclair. To take a different view would be to believe that Montclair can well afford to lose an organization which at its very roots is concerned about and committed to matters of brotherhood, personal development, leadership, and Community well-being in general". To be more effective in achieving its goals and in providing for some of the un-met needs in the community, such as, a Senior Citizens' lounge, teen-age "drop-in" center, roller skating and swimming facilities primarily for girls and women, the Y.W.C.A. is currently seeking support of the community to build a modern facility.

The Young Men's Christian Association has maintained separate facilities, the one on Park Street being predominantly white (99% in 1957) and the one on Washington Street being predominantly Negro (99% in 1957). Program, leadership and facilities have differed in the two buildings, "involving some inequalities". Membership fees also have varied--at Park Street in 1957 boys and girls, residents of Montclair, paid $14; at Washington Street, boys paid $5- 6, girls $3.50- 4.50; women paid $21-24 at Park Street, while women at Washington Street paid $6; and men using Park Street paid $23- 60, while their counterparts at Washington Street paid $8. The Council of Social Agencies Evaluation Study of 1958 said, "The Y.M.C.A. organization in Montclair is a composite of two distinct entities, the Park Street and the Washington Street Branches". In evaluating the situation the CSA Study said, "Actually the Committee has come to believe that the basic fault lies in the concept of separation between the two Branches". In recent years the Y.M.C.A. has declared both buildings integrated but some members of the Women's Division on Park Street cannot recall ever having seen a Negro participant in either the swimming periods or the activities for girls. On the other hand, the Y.M.C.A. Day Camp is definitely integrated. As this report was being assembled the Y.M.C.A. announced a Merger Plan for September 1, 1964. The President said, "It will completely integrate all of the Montclair Association's membership and committees, achieving a broadening of the Association's program, up-grading its services to the total community, and enabling the Association to serve more people". One of the major changes enumerated was: "There will be one membership and one fee structure entitling the member to participate in all phases of the program Those unable to afford membership rates may be assisted in either of two ways: a) subsidization, or b) development of special club programs calling for membership fees commensurate with programs offered".

Commercialized recreation facilities carried on by business firms in Montclair fall under the New Jersey Law Against Discrimination, passed in the late 1940's, and, as public accommodations, operate on a non-discriminatory basis. The roller-skating rink mentioned in the 1947 Audit went out of business following the court case. Bowling alleys are open to all. Montclair has no golf courses or public swimming facilities.

In 1947 "recreation" was thought of as physical activity of some kind which afforded the participant entertainment. In 1964 we talk of "leisure time activities", rather than "recreation", and include under this title many non-physical activities, such as reading, dramatics and various hobby and interest groups. Montclair Library affords many opportunities for townspeople to expand their horizons and, of course, is open to all. Numerous clubs and private organizations in Montclair provide recreation of one sort or another. Some have open membership, while others are definitely restricted, usually on the basis of color but sometimes on the basis of creed, too. There are many women's groups and clubs which have no minority members. Some of these groups have a non-discriminatory policy, especially if they are affiliated with national organizations, and would welcome qualified Negro members if they applied, whereas others are purposely restrictive. It is worth noting that in one Montclair club several years ago an unsuccessful attempt to integrate the membership resulted in a number of member resignations. These dissenters then went on to form their own integrated club and are in the vanguard of the movement to provide better understanding between all peoples. Subsequently in January 1964, the parent group reversed its policy of discrimination, accepting at least one Negro couple as members.
 
Question:  Does Montclair provide adequate recreational or leisure-time activities for all its citizens, regardless of race, creed, or economic level?

A town-wide study, entitled "Exploring Montclair", made in 1956 by some staff members of the New York University Human Relations Center, found:

“1. That in Montclair there are large opportunities and resources for recreational activities.

2. That in Montclair there is much discussion given to so-called duplication of recreational activities. However,
in spite of the vast resources, these are not open to a large and significant number of Montclair youth; that
many of the activities, such as swimming, are facilitated through private clubs, groups, and centers which exclude
a significant number of young people".

Another town-wide study, currently being conducted to determine community needs, seems to indicate that Montclair's leisure-time activities are numerous and varied, except for the low-income and culturally-deprived groups, who are not being reached.
 

RELIGIOUS GROUPS

The second Civil Rights Audit in Montclair has been extended to include information about the attitudes of organized religious groups toward minority individuals who seek a place in their organizations.

Questionnaires were prepared and mailed to Catholic and Protestant Churches and Temple Shomrei Emunah. Thirteen of the twenty-one questionnaires mailed have  been returned. The report is based upon these replies.

There were four main sections in the questionnaire which attempted to isolate information relative to the following concerns:

A. Change in their attitude to minority groups in recent years.
B. National level policy statements on racial issues by their religious
bodies and the extent to which they have been adopted at their local level.
C. The extent of concrete action for progress in race relations by the
   religious groups.
D. Specific information of membership and participation by minority
   individuals in their religious organizations.

The responding organizations were largely of the opinion that there had been a definite change in the attitude of their group to minorities. All indicated that such persons are more welcome now than in years passed, that all persons
seeking to join in worship or activities would be received without hesitation. However as the questions probed further into the current relationships within the individual churches, it became quite clear that in only a few instances had
minority individuals become fully involved in the life of the organizations. Eight have minorities as members of their group. Of the eight, half reported that minority group members have been given positions of responsibility while one-third could say that minority individuals have been elected to official positions.

All national church groups represented have made racial policy statements. Many local groups have discussed these. Two churches have taken affirmative official action following up the statements of their national body.

There have been practical steps to implement progress in inter-racial relations, such as discussion groups, speakers. One church reports family to family visitations, inter-church conversations, participation in conferences. Ministers and
individual members joined the March on Washington in August. There has been deeper commitment by the clergy who have found a lag in their congregations to face up to active participation in change.

The total membership of churches replying is 13,707. Minority membership is small in predominantly white churches. In replies from colored churches, ten minority individuals are reported as attending worship services. In "white" churches growing minority participation is reported in attendance at worship, in children attending church schools, in choir, as well as ushering.

We feel the value of such a questionnaire at this time was in bringing to all denominations, ministers and Guild Women's organizations their common responsibility to recognize the changing patterns of living and their opportunity to take part in active  fellowship among all individuals irrespective of color or race.

EMPLOYMENT

I. Our objective is to determine the extent to which employment opportunities in Montclair are available to non-whites.

II. The procedures used were two:

A. Observation of employees in stores and offices in the town.
B. Interrogation of employers.

In carrying out the first procedure, a number of persons were asked to survey
places of employment in the Montclair center, Grove Street shopping area and the
Upper Montclair shopping area.

For the second procedure, inquiry was made with the Urban League, the high school placement office and with a number of employers.

III. Response to requests for information were open and friendly so far as could
be determined. No animosity appeared to be aroused.

IV. Observations

The extent of employment opportunity for non-whites appears to have increased sharply since the first Audit was made.

1) In the various town departments at least token integration has taken place in almost every case. In some, non-white supervisory personnel is employed.

2) In the utilities, other than town operated, non-whites are employed, according to employers "when qualified" .In the gas and electric office, "qualified" non-white clerical help is employed. No others were observed in other than menial roles.

3) A situation similar to that of the utilities exists in private welfare, health, and recreational agencies. No discriminatory policy appears to exist, but in practice "qualified" non-whites have not been found by some agencies.

4) In private commercial employment, a large proportion are owner operated. A considerable number of non-white employees are in evidence, but very little opportunity exists for supervisory employment, for other than the owners themselves. This raises the question of the availability to non-whites of money for business enterprise, a matter outside the area of this particular study. The observed non-white employees included clerks, typists, secretaries, sales personnel, a cashier, a cosmetician, a bank teller, and two persons in  supervisory roles. The above list is in addition to maids, cooks, helpers, and other persons in menial positions as well as some non-white business operators in non-white business districts. There are some small establishments in town and one department store which refuse to hire Negroes except as menials, but the number is being reduced each year.

5)  Professional employment opportunities have changed. Non-white medical doctors now have access to hospital facilities. One Negro doctor is in fact, a full staff member of the largest of the three hospitals.

De facto segregation, induced by housing practices, appears to maintain a color bar in the clientele of professional people.

Nurses, family counsellors, hospital technicians, include non-whites in their number.

6)  A number of employers note that referrals by private employment agencies have been exclusively white without even tacit requests for such exclusive practice by the employers.
 

Conclusions

1)  The picture of non-white employment has changed sharply. Negroes are employed in widely diverse fields and in some positions of responsibility and with supervisory authority.

2)  Opportunity exists for girls and women who are non-white in many clerical, sales, typing, technical, and professional fields that are not SO readily open to men. However, responsible job openings for men in several firms go begging for lack of qualified applicants, white or non-white.

3)  A great and growing problem exists as untrained and poorly motivated youngsters, especially boys, leave high school without adequate jobs or much prospect of finding them.

A major coordinated effort by many agencies and organization of the community seems called for here. Schools, Y.M.C.A.; Y.W.C.A., Girl Scouts, Boy Scouts, Service Clubs, and others should be able by joint endeavor, to demonstrate that respectable job opportunities exist for non-whites and to help prepare non-college youngsters to seek those opportunities.

A corollary to this problem is created by the rapid changes in the skills required by a changing business and industry. It seems vital that channels of communication be established and maintained between prospective employers on the one hand and teachers and counsellors in all secondary and adult schools on the other to give some assurance, at least, that people aren't being trained in skills for which little or no demand exists or is likely to exist.

As this report is being prepared for publication, it might be well to add that the Y.W.C.A. for the past six weeks has been providing help for about 12 "under-achievers" once a week. They are coached in reading and math by qualified volunteers. Beginning April 1, the Y.W.C.A. is planning a daily program for "under-achievers" from all Jr. Highs along similar lines. This project is being worked out with the Acting Superintendent of Schools, the Junior High School principals, some interested members of the College Women's Club, and qualified personnel from five colleges --Montclair State, Paterson State, Newark State, Seton Hall and Upsala.

4) A continuing effort might well be made to encourage advertizers for employees to use the phrase " An Equal Opportunity Employer". Such an effort would, in all likelihood, have to start with major firms and spread by example to others. The Human Relations Council could be the instrument of the effort. It could also appeal to employment agencies to avoid discrimination.
 

Summary

The purpose of this Audit is "to determine the extent to which all Montclair citizens actually participate freely in the life of the town and whether they all enjoy equality of opportunity". We have found that many inequalities have been corrected since 1947, the date of the original Audit, but that there still remains much to be done, particularly in the fields of housing, edu~ation, and employment.

Some citizens feel the lack of an adequate Day Nursery is a serious handicap to Mothers with marketable skills who desire employment but who cannot make satisfactory arrangements for their children while they are at work.

It is believed that the nursery should be situated in the center of town where it could serve the entire community without regard to race, color or creed.

Day Nurseries, Incorporated has been set up and it is hoped they will find a solution to this problem.

Conclusion

We commend the Town Commissioners' Statement of Policy to all citizens of Montclair and urge that they join with the Commissioners as active participants in accelerating significant progress against all forms of discrimination. In seeking equality of opportunity for all, it is imperative that townspeople work with each other. "The importance and the need of participation cannot be stressed too strongly", said one of our Town officials. "Every citizen has not only a right but a responsibility to participate in community life, and it is only by responsible participation that we can build and preserve a better Montclair".

Toward this end the Civil Rights Commission, with the active cooperation of interested citizens, is urged to devise educational programs to promote wider understanding of both "rights" and "responsibilities".


1964 AUDIT COMMITTEE

Chairman-Co-ordinator--Mr. George E. Wibecan, Jr.

Vice-Chairman--Mrs. F. D. Herbert, Jr.

Steering Committee

Miss Ruth Borden        Mrs. F. D. Herbert, Jr.
Mrs. Alfred C. Clapp       Mr. Judson Leonard
Mrs. Paul C. Clifford       Mr. Leo Nejelski
Mr. Lawrence Creshkoff            Mrs. A. E. Rasmussen
Dr. E. M. Dodd        Mrs. Irving Shapiro
Rev. Gerald Ehly        Mrs. James Tindall
Mr. & Mrs. Joseph Greene, Jr.     Mrs. Frieda Toker
Mr. Donald Trawin

Other Committee Members

Dr. Paul Atkins        Mrs. Otis Ingebritsen
Mrs. Sarah E. Barnes       Mrs. Tracey Jones, Jr.
Rev. Matthew Carter       Mrs. Fulton MacArthur
Mr. Ralph Ford       Mrs. George Smith
Miss Nancy Genne        Mrs. Roland Spry
Mrs. William Gump       Mrs. George E. Wibecan, Jr.

1964 Audit Reports prepared by:

EDUCATION -Mrs. A. E. Rasmussen

PUBLIC HEALTH -Public Affairs Committee, YWCA (Chairman -Mrs. James Tindall)

PUBLIC FACILITIES -B'Nai B'rith Women (Mrs. Irving Shapiro and Mrs. Frieda Toker)

RECREATION- National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(Mrs. Joseph Greene, Jr. and Mr. Ralph Ford).

HOUSING- Fair Housing Committee (Mrs. Paul C, Clifford and Mr. Donald Trawin)

RELIGIOUS GROUPS -Intercultural Association and United Church Women
(Chairman- Mrs. Alfred C. Clapp)

EMPLOYMENT -Mr. Judson Leonard
* * *


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